Future of Smoke
Back in 2017, on October 1st, the Catalans held what the Spanish government termed an illegal referendum to decide whether or not to declare independence. While true validity could not be determined, because the police went from polling station to polling station to confiscate ballot boxes, and there was no electoral supervision, it was estimated that about ninety percent of the votes were for independence. Independent opinion polls say that the population is evenly divided, half for independence, half for continuing the status quo.
In the days and weeks leading up to the referendum, people gathered in the streets. The leaders, mindful of consequences, always and continuously asked the public to avoid violence and to demonstrate peacefully. There were a few spates of reactions that might be termed violent, and some government officials from Madrid found themselves fearing the mob, though nothing happened to them. When everything was over, independence declared and then independence put off, the cental government, led by the conservatives of Mariano Rajoy, applied Article 155 of the constitution, and took over the regional government, expelling the regional representatives.
Some left the country, including the regional president, Carles Puigdemont, avoiding being arrested. Others were jailed without bail, accused of sedition, misappropriation, and rebellion. They faced jail sentences of up to 25 years. The trial was held this year, and the sentence came out this past Monday.
None of the accused was found guilty of rebellion, because it was determined that they did not agitate for violence against the national government, but almost all were found guilty of sedition and misappropriation. Instead of the usual ridiculous sentences most public officials get when found with their hands in the public coffers, or simply doing wrong, these officials got the heaviest penalties the conservative judges could inflict. From thirteen years jail time, down to fines in the tens of thousands of euros, setnences were handed out. As was to be expected, it didn't sit well with the half of Catalunya that consider themselves "independentistas."
Protests broke out. Most, during the day, were peaceful, but things rapidly went downhill. On Monday, the airport of El Prat, a major European airport, was practically shut down and many flights cancelled, as protestors wouldn't let anyone in or out. Major roads, including the tollway from the French border at La Jonquera, were cut off by protestors. On Friday, a general strike was called in all Catalunya, and marches from different cities, Girona, Tarragona, and others, converged in Barcelona. Hundred of thousands of citizens gathered to decry the harsh prison sentences. That night saw the worst riots in decades.
The problem is that most of the rioters are loose canons. They are either a few extreme nationalists that see violence as the only resort, even when the leaders and most followers of the independence movement say it should not be used, or anti-system protestors that are even more anarchist than those that lived in Barcelona of old. To them were added rioters from other European countries that came to live it up. Everything was smashed along major streets, such as Paseig de Gràcia or Via Laetana. Containers were set up as barricades and then set ablaze, burning everything that surrounded them, including some of Barcelona's leafy trees and parked cars. Pavements were dug up and the stones used to launch at the riot police. Even fireworks were set off against the police helicopter.
Not all were from the independence movement or anarchists. Some were far right agitators that got into fierce fights with those who were independentistas. The police also didn't distinguish between the rioters and regular citizens. One of those beat up by them was a man carrying a pail of water to put out one of the fires in his neighborhood. Another one that was arrested was a photographer from the journal El País, supposedly for attacking the police officers, though witnesses said it was because he was taking pictures of a particularly brutal reaction by the police.
The jail sentence has set off an expected reaction. But we have yet to see how it culminates. General elections are set again for November 10th. And how are the different political parties reacting? Only as to be expected. The Socialists that are now tenuously in the majority, are trying to be firm without going over the top. Conservative PP and Ciudadanos are calling for Article 155 again, and disbanding the regional government, again. Extreme right Vox is calling for a state of exception to be declared, which would involve arrests based only on police judgment, searches of homes without a warrant, control of communications, a curfew, prohibition of protests, and suspension of television and radio programs if deemed necessary. The far left is calling for dialog, and a political resolution for the problem.
My view is that this could have been avoided ages ago when the Catalans wanted to revamp their Estatut, and gain certain competencies that only the central government controlled. The conservative Partido Popular appealed to an equally conservative tribunal that the new Estatut went against the constitution and won. Ever since then, the conservative government would not talk, nor acknowledge there was a problem. Well, now there is a problem, and it's a difficult one to solve. It will take more than a generation. From only around 20 percent of support for independence when the new Estatut was knocked down, it has grown to almost fifty percent. The solution would probably pass through making Spain a more federal nation, much like Germany or the United States. The conservative parties want to revert to times of Franco, and have most things centralized. Spain is at loggerheads with itself, and the future is not bright, especially with flames lighting up the night.
In the days and weeks leading up to the referendum, people gathered in the streets. The leaders, mindful of consequences, always and continuously asked the public to avoid violence and to demonstrate peacefully. There were a few spates of reactions that might be termed violent, and some government officials from Madrid found themselves fearing the mob, though nothing happened to them. When everything was over, independence declared and then independence put off, the cental government, led by the conservatives of Mariano Rajoy, applied Article 155 of the constitution, and took over the regional government, expelling the regional representatives.
Some left the country, including the regional president, Carles Puigdemont, avoiding being arrested. Others were jailed without bail, accused of sedition, misappropriation, and rebellion. They faced jail sentences of up to 25 years. The trial was held this year, and the sentence came out this past Monday.
None of the accused was found guilty of rebellion, because it was determined that they did not agitate for violence against the national government, but almost all were found guilty of sedition and misappropriation. Instead of the usual ridiculous sentences most public officials get when found with their hands in the public coffers, or simply doing wrong, these officials got the heaviest penalties the conservative judges could inflict. From thirteen years jail time, down to fines in the tens of thousands of euros, setnences were handed out. As was to be expected, it didn't sit well with the half of Catalunya that consider themselves "independentistas."
Protests broke out. Most, during the day, were peaceful, but things rapidly went downhill. On Monday, the airport of El Prat, a major European airport, was practically shut down and many flights cancelled, as protestors wouldn't let anyone in or out. Major roads, including the tollway from the French border at La Jonquera, were cut off by protestors. On Friday, a general strike was called in all Catalunya, and marches from different cities, Girona, Tarragona, and others, converged in Barcelona. Hundred of thousands of citizens gathered to decry the harsh prison sentences. That night saw the worst riots in decades.
The problem is that most of the rioters are loose canons. They are either a few extreme nationalists that see violence as the only resort, even when the leaders and most followers of the independence movement say it should not be used, or anti-system protestors that are even more anarchist than those that lived in Barcelona of old. To them were added rioters from other European countries that came to live it up. Everything was smashed along major streets, such as Paseig de Gràcia or Via Laetana. Containers were set up as barricades and then set ablaze, burning everything that surrounded them, including some of Barcelona's leafy trees and parked cars. Pavements were dug up and the stones used to launch at the riot police. Even fireworks were set off against the police helicopter.
Not all were from the independence movement or anarchists. Some were far right agitators that got into fierce fights with those who were independentistas. The police also didn't distinguish between the rioters and regular citizens. One of those beat up by them was a man carrying a pail of water to put out one of the fires in his neighborhood. Another one that was arrested was a photographer from the journal El País, supposedly for attacking the police officers, though witnesses said it was because he was taking pictures of a particularly brutal reaction by the police.
The jail sentence has set off an expected reaction. But we have yet to see how it culminates. General elections are set again for November 10th. And how are the different political parties reacting? Only as to be expected. The Socialists that are now tenuously in the majority, are trying to be firm without going over the top. Conservative PP and Ciudadanos are calling for Article 155 again, and disbanding the regional government, again. Extreme right Vox is calling for a state of exception to be declared, which would involve arrests based only on police judgment, searches of homes without a warrant, control of communications, a curfew, prohibition of protests, and suspension of television and radio programs if deemed necessary. The far left is calling for dialog, and a political resolution for the problem.
My view is that this could have been avoided ages ago when the Catalans wanted to revamp their Estatut, and gain certain competencies that only the central government controlled. The conservative Partido Popular appealed to an equally conservative tribunal that the new Estatut went against the constitution and won. Ever since then, the conservative government would not talk, nor acknowledge there was a problem. Well, now there is a problem, and it's a difficult one to solve. It will take more than a generation. From only around 20 percent of support for independence when the new Estatut was knocked down, it has grown to almost fifty percent. The solution would probably pass through making Spain a more federal nation, much like Germany or the United States. The conservative parties want to revert to times of Franco, and have most things centralized. Spain is at loggerheads with itself, and the future is not bright, especially with flames lighting up the night.
Comments
Post a Comment